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You are here: Home News & Features Feature Immigration

Feature Immigration

The vigil eye on Mugabe’s abuses

“To save Zimbabwe, Mugabe must go; Mugabe must go to save Zimbabwe!” shout the protesters, mostly Zimbabwean exiles, outside the Zimbabwean Embassy in London.

Every Saturday for the past nine years, the Zimbabwe Vigil on the Strand has drawn dozens of Zimbabwean political activists. They have all fled the rule of Robert Mugabe, the world’s oldest head of state and one of its longest-serving dictators.

The vigil started on October 12 2002 to draw attention in the UK to gross human rights violations under President Mugabe, and to campaign for free and fair elections in Zimbabwe.

The lively group usually sings songs of protest, hands out leaflets to passers-by, or collects signatures for its cause.

Clemence Munyukwi, a former high school mathematics teacher at a rural school in Mashonaland East, a pro- Mugabe province in Zimbabwe, fled the country in 2002 when his school was attacked by the youth militias loyal to Mugabe’s Zanu-PF for having opposition party sympathisers.

Despite the fact that Zanu-PF has been governing in coalition with the Move­ment for Democratic Change (MDC) since 2009, in rural areas anyone per­ceived to be a member or supporter of the MDC risks being punished by these youth militia known as the ’Green Bombers’.

“I saw some people with white Zanu- PF T-shirts who came to the school where I was a head teacher,” said Clemence. “They had a list of names of school boys they wanted to see.”

Clemence added that on this visit some teachers were taken to a torture camp for interrogation and that was the last time that they were seen. He managed to flee during the cover of darkness after receiv­ing warnings that the militia would be visiting again.

Another protester, Constance Kachidza, was a secretary to a prominent lawyer and an MDC activist from Mbare, a scene of political clashes earlier this year. This made her a target for Zanu-PF support­ers. She left Zimbabwe during the cha­otic land invasions on which Mugabe embarked in 2000, in an attempt to secure rural votes in the run-up to elections, amid growing public discontent at soar­ing inflation, rampant corruption and the government’s contempt for the rule of law. Facing defeat at general elections by the newly formed MDC party, Mugabe embarked on a populist land policy bereft of planning. Prime farming land, which was largely in the hands of a few white farmers, was forcibly taken and given to close associates and Zanu-PF support­ers to the detriment of the agro-based economy.

Opposition activists like Constance faced constant harassment at the hands of the ’Green Bombers‘. She has been coming to the vigil since 2009 because a free Zimbabwe is what she yearns for.

Another protester, Patrick Moyo (not his real name) now lives in Sunderland, in North East England, but in Zimbabwe he worked at a farm in Plumtree, a small farming boarder town west of the coun­try.

“War veterans came to our farm, and beat up everyone there,” he said. “We deserted the farm together with the farm owner.”

Though Patrick came to the UK in 2003, this was his first time at the dem­onstration. “It is good for the country [Zimbabwe] to demonstrate by sending [to the world] a big message about what is happening in Zimbabwe,” he said.

Accord­ing to Rose Benton, who organises the vigil, the number of weekly pro­testors varies between 60 and 90 people but a lot of people came out to demon­strate in 2008 “because there was a very violent election campaign.”

After the MDC of Morgan Tsvangirai won the first round of the presidential election in 2008, and withdrew from a run-off marred by violence, Mugabe and the MDC formed a power-sharing gov­ernment in 2009. But even with the for­mation of the coalition government, the Zimbabwe Vigil still feels its demands for recognition of human rights and democ­racy in Zimbabwe are far from being achieved.

Activists say they haven’t seen an improvement in the rule of law and more violence is expected with new elections in the next year or so. “It was stupid [of the MDC] to get into bed with a dictator,” said Benton.

Besides protesting against Mugabe’s despotic rule, the Zimbabwe Vigil also campaigns against deportations of politi­cal activists from the UK to Zimbabwe. The Home Office, in March, lifted a four-year ban on removals of failed asylum seekers to Zimbabwe. This affects 10,000 people in the UK, and deported activists may face detention in Zimbabwe because of their activism in this country.

So, for as long as Mugabe ignores human rights, and with election vio­lence rearing its ugly head again, the drums of the protesters on the Strand will not be silenced.

Cutting the Talent

Juan Camilo explains why restricting settlement for skilled migrant workers might not be a wise idea

The pledge to bring down net migration to tens of thousands has turned out to be a headache for the Conservative party leading the coalition government. Because net migration reflects the difference between the number of people moving into Britain and those moving out, the Government faces significant challenges in its attempt to bring it down to a fixed target.First, the Government cannot restrict the movement of EU citizens, so it has to focus exclusively on non-EU migrants in order to achieve its goal. Yet changes in migration patterns of EU citizens can significantly alter the figures in unexpected ways, scuppering the efforts made on other fronts.

Second, if the number of people leaving the UK goes down, net migration figures can go up even if the number of arrivals remains the same. This seems to be precisely what is happening: fewer British people are leaving the UK than in previous years and the number of East European migrants returning to their countries has been lower than expected.Therefore, the net migration figure actually went up in 2010 despite tighter immigration rules imposed through the interim cap on non-EU migrant workers.The net migration figure for 2010 stands at more than double the Conservative party’s aim, at 239,000. So in order to stand a chance of achieving its goal by 2015 the coalition government has to look at the full range of options for reducing the numbers of non-EU people coming to the UK and increasing the numbers leaving the country.

Part of this drive has been capping the number of highly skilled workers (Tiers 1 and 2 of the Points Based System). However, reducing the number of non-EU migrants entering the UK will not be enough to reach the target and the Government is now looking at increasing the number of migrants leaving the UK by restricting settlement rights. Specifically, the Government has laid out plans to restrict the options for skilled migrants to settle in the UK.The restrictions focus on Tier 2 of the Points Based System, i.e. skilled migrants who come to the UK with a job offer. For 2011/12 the limit of Tier 2 (General) visas was set at 20,700. In summary, Government is proposing to categorise all Tier 2 migrants as ‘temporary’, making exceptions for a very limited number who would become eligible to switch into a permanent visa once in the UK. The majority of Tier 2 workers would be expected to leave after five years, driving the net migration number down. But is it really sensible to target this group of migrants by restricting their ability to settle?

The proposals to withdraw the option of settlement from Tier 2 workers seems unfair to prospective migrants. Government argues that it will make clear to applicants that their stay is temporary and they will be expected to leave once it is finished. Migrants will be expected to come to the UK on the understanding that their stay will be temporary. However, five years is a significant period in time in which personal and family plans can change significantly.In this period of time people can settle down and become attached to the new place. Their children may grow up with a sense of belonging to the UK and may be affected by abreak in their education, making parents reluctant to move out. Skilled migrant workers will be contributing to their employers and therefore the British economy; they will be paying taxes and into pension pots, and yet they will be expected to leave without being able to access some of the benefits accrued from these contributions. Workers with a good track record within a business and with a career ahead will see their progress trumped as they have to leave the country. People’s lives and career prospects will therefore be undermined by immigration policy even if their performance is good. Removing the flexibility to have the option to settle is failing to acknowledge that personal plans can change significantly in a lapse of five years and that what was expected to be a temporary sojourn can be transformed into a desire for a more permanent stay.

In the present context, however, these arguments have little purchase with Government or the wider public. The overriding concern is reducing immigration, not the circumstances of individual migrants. So what about the economic argument? Does it make economic sense for the UK to introduce these changes? The first point is that Tier 2 migrants are, by definition, workers that the UK economy labour market needs and does not have. They are either qualified in professions with a short supply of workers or recruited after an employer can show they have been unable to recruit within the EU. Second, because of the nature of their work, skilled workers tend to be net fiscal contributors and therefore pay more in taxes than they take in services. These are, therefore, workers that are needed and that make a positive economic contribution.

The private sector, on which the hopes of an economic recovery are pinned, is particularly reliant on the skills of these workers: in the most recent quarterly labour market outlook survey 25% of employers stated that they were planning to recruit migrant workers (continuing an upward trend in the proportion of those planning to do so) but the private sector is the main driver of recruitment of foreign nationals doubling the public sector (32% vs. 15%). Regionally London has the highest proportion of employers planning to hire from abroad (40%) confirming the demand for migrant workers within London´s private sector economy, itself the economic powerhouse of the country.So these workers are clearly needed by the British economy. Government argues that they can still come but will be in-country only for a limited time-period. However, UK-based businesses are competing for international workers with businesses from across the world and the attractiveness and barriers of moving to the UK will be a factor in the decisions of workers on where to move.

As emerging economies become stronger they are joining the traditional world economic centres in this competition for global talent. In future China, India and the Middle East will be increasingly aiming to attract skilled labour from the same pool of international workers as the UK. States have often sought to restrict the rights of low-skilled migrants, frequently giving them only temporary leave, while seeking to attract high-value migrants by making their migration easier. With the new proposals the UK seems to be going the other way and actually putting restrictions on skilled migrant workers. The key question becomes what weight do skilled workers give to restrictions such as the opportunity to settle when deciding between working in one country or another?

If the UK becomes less attractive for skilled workers at the same time that other countries are competing for that pool of labour then in the future there is a risk that the current set of regulations will end up harming the economic potential of the UK.

 

Southall Little India


On a chilled and cold Autumn Friday Cristina Vaccaro hanged around Southall, the Little India of the London Borough of Ealing

On the short bus ride from Boston Manor to Southall station we were surrounded by children of varying ethnic heritage; English, Indian, Black and other Asian loudly discussing and greeting each other. Once in Southall we understand why the place is dubbed “Little India”, our senses are tickled by all things Indian. The loud music blaring from the shops, the beautiful, colourful saris hanging in shop windows, the delicious looking food and spices displayed on the stalls, everything about the place screams India. In fact, although Southall is home to a significant number of people from the Indian subcontinent, you would be fooled to think of Southall as ethnically homogenous as it is also home to of more recent arrivals from Africa as well as the old white British communities.

We go for a stroll along the chaotic streets and soon come across the Himalaya Palace Cinema where Bollywood films are advertised on the board, by the look of satisfaction on the faces of the people passing while humming Indian songs the film must have been good. As well as claiming the first pub which accepts rupees, Southall is home to a library with a wide choice of books in different languages; English, Punjabi, Hindi, Gujarati, Urdu, Bengali, as well as Arabic, and Somali.

One thing that you will not miss in Southall are the many religious sites, Mosques, Hindu temples, Roman Catholic and Pentecostal churches, Synagogues, but one stopover which is a must for all visitors to this surreal and wonderful place is the Gurdwara Sri Guru Singh Sabha Sikh temple, which is where we head next. Located in Havelock Road it is impossible to miss this imposing and magnificent building which is the biggest temple in the world outside India. We enter the temple in awe and soon learn the true fashion of Sikh hospitality and kindnesses of this welcoming community whose principles are to live according to the teaching of Guru Singh Sabha.

The temple has an upstairs where people are sitting listening to the prayers coming out from speakers. We sit on the carpeted floor and observe the people who are lost in their own prayers and we are soon lost in our thoughts. After a while we slowly venture downstairs and come across what looks like a big dining room where people are sat on the floor eating and chatting freely. We put our heads in and are  quickly invited in and given food. Men behind the counter serve us vegetarian curries and bread, we sit on the floor and we happily chat while eating the delicious food and drinking Indian chai, some of us go for second helpings obviously. We could stay like this for ever but unfortunately it is getting late so we have to leave and catch the bus to the station, and so reluctantly set off back home but determined to return soon.

Migrants claim less benefit than British citizens


Times of economic downturn appear to fuel xenophobic views, and current restrictive immigration policies are sometimes backed by a discourse portraying migrants as a threat to the social condition of UK citizens, threatening their employment or ‘draining’ the welfare state. This picture of migrants as a burden for taxpayer has been recently broken by official data, showing that migrants claim less benefit than British citizens.

A UK National Statistic (ONF) report released on January 20th under the title “Regional characteristics of foreign-born people living in the United Kingdom” states that in most regions “…a smaller percentage of foreign-born people claim state benefits/tax credits than UK-born”.

When this is not the case, as in West Midlands and London, the difference “is negligible,” states the ONF. Interestingly, in the places where the percentage of foreign-born people claiming state benefit is the lowest, such as in Scotland (26%) or in the North East, the difference with the UK-born people is even more marked.

 

The ONF data goes hand in hand with Home Office research published in 2002 to assess that people do not arrive in the UK hoping to exploit the welfare state. This research found that immigrants pay more tax that they take in benefits, which was partly explained by the age structure of the immigrant population, which is disproportionately of  working age and therefore consuming less state-provided services and paying more taxes. Furthermore, the UK isn't exactly the welfare paradise for immigrants that some newspapers seem to refer to. Asylum seekers for example are not allowed to claim normal welfare and live on a paltry amount below that which the Government states is the minimum necessary for UK benefit claimants to be able to live. Many live in destitution, sometimes homeless, especially those who are appealing their case. The Refugee Council states that, “most asylum seekers are living in poverty and experience poor health and hunger.“

 

The study also provides an overview of the profile of immigrants, such as their occupation or main trends in religion and ethnicity. It disproves another common misconception, showing that, with the exception of West midlands, where the majority of the population is  ethnically Asian, ‘white’ is the largest ethnic group in all areas of the country.


By Carine Dreau

Do statistics tell the whole story?

policeMetropolitan police report states that black people are more likely to commit crime
 

Recent police figures suggest that most violent inner-city crime is committed by black men. According to the Metropolitan police, these statistics also indicate that black men are twice as likely to be victims of such crimes as their fellow citizens.
By Tiija Rinta

 

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